Mick Wallace Would be good if #mainstreammedia held #FiannaFail + #FineGael to account for voting for a terrible #CAP that aband… https://t.co/RFUXVmKnea
Mick Wallace The #EU needs to do more to stop the Collective Punishment of the people of #Tigray - This is a form of Genocide b… https://t.co/G5c6hiCa2q
Mick Wallace RT @wallacemick: The lack of concern shown by the #EU for the people of #Venezuela has been shocking and says much about their so called 'E…
Mick Wallace RT @wallacemick: #EU says they're interested in Dialogue - So why don't they talk to #Syria ..? They say they're interested in Rule of Law…

Dail Diary

 

Dáil Diary no 44- 18 June 2015

#NAMA – Vulture Funds Win, Taxpayer Loses…

The drip feed of questionable deals carried out by NAMA is well under way. Regularly now, we see information reaching the public domain whereby NAMA have sold stressed assets at less than their real value and the purchasers are turning them over within 2 years, at profit ranging from 30% to 40%/ The purchasers are mostly foreign investment funds – ‘vulture funds ‘ – who have picked on the carcass of the stressed Irish property market. Many of them have retained the assets, and become serious players in the residential rental market in Ireland, especially Dublin, and have developed a controlling influence, managing to drive up rents astronomically in our capital city. This all doesn’t make them evil people – they just do what they do, it’s called unfettered Capitalism  - our problem as Irish citizens is that our Government have allowed a situation to develop whereby the vulture funds win and the Irish tax payer loses. And our present Neo Liberal Government think that this is all fine. I believe otherwise. Here’s my Leader’s Questions with Taoiseach Enda Kenny this week, who knows that all is not well. -

"Last week we discussed the terms of reference for an inquiry into the State’s alleged preferential treatment of private sector investors in general and our good friend Mr. Denis O’Brien, in particular.

That someone as rich and powerful as Denis O'Brien, who has unfettered control of much of the mainstream media, might get preferential treatment is not much of a shock to many. I do not think he is the only powerful individual or consortium who may have got favourable treatment from State-owned institutions. When NAMA was set up, the plan was that it would not flood the market with stressed assets. This was a special purpose vehicle that would await some form of recovery before maximising the assets in the interests of the taxpayer. That is not what has happened. For some strange reason, NAMA has been in a hurry to fire sale assets for less than their real value despite the fact it is a rising market. We see many of these assets being sold on at massive profits. I named a few of them in here last week. It is frightening how quickly these vulture funds have turned them over and the extent of the profits involved. This means that foreign vulture funds have won and the Irish people are losing out.

Something is the matter with how NAMA has operated. Before the Taoiseach was elected to office, he said that NAMA was a secret society that needed an injection of competence, openness and transparency. He was dead right but everything stayed the same. It did not change. Sadly, the drip-feed of questionable deals has begun. If the Taoiseach does not address this now, it may come back to haunt him in years to come because I believe serious issues are at stake. Will the Taoiseach wait for this to reach a crescendo before he acts or is he prepared to commission an independent inquiry into how NAMA has worked and check whether the people got the maximum return in respect of how the assets were sold by this organisation?

The Taoiseach:  The Deputy is well aware that NAMA operates under a very specific remit. It was dealing with the largest property portfolio in the western hemisphere. The Deputy made certain comments here. I point out to him that NAMA also operates under the aegis of the Office of the Comptroller and Auditor General, some of whose personnel serve on the board of NAMA. NAMA appears regularly before the Committee of Public Accounts and the Oireachtas Committee on Finance, Public Expenditure and Reform. If the Deputy has particular cases in mind concerning any deals done or decisions made by NAMA in respect of the disposal of property, he should remember that NAMA's remit is to maximise value and the return for the taxpayer and that personnel from the Office of the Comptroller and Auditor General serve on the board of NAMA and are quite entitled to appear before the independent watchdog in the Oireachtas, namely, the Committee of Public Accounts, as well as the Oireachtas Committee on Finance, Public Expenditure and Reform. If the Deputy has particular cases in mind, he can refer them to the Chairman of the Committee of Public Accounts, Deputy McGuinness. NAMA appears regularly before the Committee of Public Accounts to deal with issues or decisions made by the board about property where its remit is to maximise the return for the taxpayer.

Mick Wallace:  It is interesting that the Taoiseach puts the onus back on me. I will give two examples. An office block on Mount Street was sold off market in 2012 by NAMA to US fund Northwood for €27 million. In 2014, Northwood sold it for €42 million. Most of the money was financed by NAMA in the first place. This is in a country where small and medium-sized businesses cannot get a cent out of financial institutions. NAMA sold the Forum building in the IFSC in 2012 to US private equity firm Atlas Capital for €28 million. Less than two years later, it was sold for €37.8 million, a 35% profit. If the Taoiseach thinks this is good business, I think otherwise. They are just two of the smaller examples. The Taoiseach does not need me to give him details. Many of the details are out there and there is a lot of stuff that is not out there because, as the Taoiseach put it four years ago, NAMA is a secret organisation. Despite the fact that it was brought under freedom of information in April, people are finding it incredibly difficult to get any information out of it.
The sale of large blocks of apartments for less than it cost to build them is one of the reasons the private sector has not resumed building. There will be no serious increase in housing in this country until you build it yourselves. This is directly linked to the housing crisis and deserves investigation. The taxpayer has lost out badly and we are talking about billions. The Taoiseach did not set up NAMA but he can address the problem before it comes back to haunt him in the next term."

Mick Wallace.

 

 

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Dáil Diary 43 – 12 June 2015

Privatisation of Postal Services - A great little neoliberal country to do business in…

Yesterday afternoon in the Dáil, we discussed the Communications Regulation (Postal Service) (Amendment) Bill 2015 – a piece of legislation that represents the latest push by this Government to further its neoliberal agenda through the privatisation, or “outsourcing,” of public services in this country. Under this new legislation, our new national postcode system – Eircode – will be privatised and administered by Capita Ireland, which is part of the £7bn Capita multinational corporation, a global conglomerate with vast experience of snapping up lucrative state contracts around the world.
I asked the Minister why at least €27m of taxpayers’ money is being pumped into a postcode system that many in the delivery industry have described “lacking vision” and utterly useless, while at the same time, rural post offices are being closed down, further isolating the communities they serve. Rural Ireland, and in particular those most vulnerable, are being abandoned in favour of big business. Here’s my contribution in the Chamber. –

"A key legacy of this Government will be the privatisation - or, as it is more politely called, the external service delivery - of our public services. In the four years since the coalition took the reins, we have witnessed the outsourcing of countless essential health care services, said goodbye to the State’s share in our national airline and stood over the privatisation of Bord Gáis, to name but a few. Added to this, the indiscriminate cutting of essential services through austerity measures has left many people with no real option but to turn to the private sector. Irish properties are being sold by NAMA way below their value to vulture funds from the US which very often turn them over shortly afterwards for ridiculous profits, while 100,000 people wait for scant social housing. This legislation proposes to effectively privatise the national address system.

One matter on which we can commend the Government is its dedication to consistently upholding its neoliberal philosophy and programme. According to the Minister’s response to a parliamentary question I tabled last week, the company awarded the tender for the national address system, Capita Business Support Services Ireland, has been paid €12 million, excluding VAT, to date for the development and roll-out of Eircode. The Minister stated that the contract is expected to cost €16 million, excluding VAT, in total, plus €1.2 million a year for the remainder of the licence period, amounting to €27 million in total for implementation. These figures do not include the millions of euro spent on consultations on this issue since 2003. The Freight Transport Association of Ireland estimates €80 million to be a more realistic overall cost. Will the Minister confirm his figures for this?

The frenzied selling off of public goods has been touted by this Administration as a good in itself, a cost-cutting measure that will increase efficiency and improve standards of delivery.

SIPTU disagrees, but its warnings that outsourcing could actually result in higher costs on the Exchequer have fallen on deaf ears. Capita Ireland is part of a £7 billion multinational corporation, a company which over the past decade has made a sport out of collecting Government contracts in the UK. Capita has almost completely taken over local council service provision in the London borough of Barnet and in doing so will conveniently not have to put up with the same kind of scrutiny as democratic government. Training courses, which under the local authority would have been provided in-house for minimal cost, are now carried out by Capita at much higher prices. For example, a day’s training for one person on the taking of minutes now costs the taxpayer in the Barnet area £800.

 
Last week, Aditya Chakrabortty wrote, in an article in The Guardian addressing this issue:

"...an arm of Britain’s local government has in effect agreed to a friendly takeover by a £7bn multinational. Whoever Barnet residents vote for in local elections, they will always get Capita. Whenever they phone or email or visit, they will speak to a Capita employee. The FTSE giant will face no competition for the next decade; nor will it endure the same scrutiny as democratic government, as previously public information is veiled under “commercial sensitivity”.

 I hope the Minister is a little concerned that the private sector would not always deliver quite as well for the citizen as the public sector. James Meek, in describing the situation in the UK, could have easily been referring to Ireland when he stated:

“The privatisation, disaggregation and foreign takeover of Britain’s universal networks since Thatcher has enabled the great lie of the post-Thatcher era, that tax has fallen, when in reality the tax burden has simply been shifted from progressive taxes on income, where the wealthy pay more, to the flat fees for private universal networks such as water, energy and transport, where the poorer pay more. The original principle of universal networks - that society as a whole would provide a service for everyone, through a levy proportionate to each citizen’s means - has been turned on its head.”
 
Perhaps the most unbelievable part of the Eircode venture is the fact that millions of euro of taxpayers’ money is being pumped into a system that will be inaccessible to many people. The randomised sequencing of the postcodes, which is not done in any other European country, means that to make sense of an Eircode, a user will have to pay to access a commercially licensed database. Like many services in the country, this is all fine if one can afford to pay. Big business is favoured while the SMEs lose out. Furthermore, as the service is not compulsory, many people will not bother using it. Several industry players have identified Eircode as having little, if any, added value. In fact, the Freight Transport Association of Ireland, which represents 200 freight businesses, has stated it will not use Eircode.

 Luckily for the Government, it can justify its decisions by the fact that there was some manner of consultation process on Eircode, but how can a consultation process be in any way meaningful if the advice of the State-appointed national postcodes project board and private consultancies for a hierarchical postcode system is ignored? The 2010 report on postcodes by the Oireachtas joint committee called for a self-financing public code. Again, this was ignored. We have seen this in the case of the Climate Action and Low Carbon Development Bill, which is going through the House. God knows how it will turn out, but it is very hard for us to be optimistic.

An Post has named Eircode a "20th century solution to a 21st century problem". Surely this €27 million, or up to €80 million if the cost of consultants is included, could have been more effectively allocated. With 220 post offices having been closed down in Ireland since 2006, more support could be given to the rural communities which have been abandoned. What good is some random postcode to an elderly person who due to post office closures has to try to find a lift to pick up his or her pension?

In April, I addressed the issues of the post offices with the Minister. In his reply he stated that " he was conscious of the importance of a vibrant post office network." He also stated that "we must ensure that post office network services are commercially viable as well as socially significant". I do not do parish pump politics. I do not even have clinics, but people contact my office here from villages such as Tomhaggard, Pallas, Crossabeg, Ballymurn, Gusserane, Ballycarney, Ballyhoe, Castledockrell, Duncormick, Ballymitty and Rathnure. They want to know why, if the Minister believes what he said in his reply to me, he does not reopen their post offices. I am firmly of the belief that it would not cost a fortune to do so. I agree that doing so would probably not make money, but would it provide a very worthwhile service? It probably would, and it would mean a lot to these people. The Minister does not need me to tell him, even though he lives in Dublin, as I do most of the time, that rural communities are struggling to survive. The post office means a lot to them, particularly older people who have less access to computers and banking. As we know, the banks are far more geared towards and focused on turning profits than providing services. The day of the bank providing a service is long gone and the post office can fill this role well.

 It may be said that not every community needs one and that one cannot be put everywhere because it is not economically sustainable, and that while they are good socially, if they are not economically sustainable it is not possible to keep them all open, but I would like the Government to look at what it would cost to do so. I know An Post has a mandate not to lose money, but the Government has a mandate to provide a service to the people. I would like the Government to look at the prospect of reopening the post offices it has closed and see what it would cost and if it could afford to do so, because we make choices and it is not that we do not have any money. I know money does not grow on trees, even if it is made from paper, although plastic is used a bit more now, but a post office network represents value for money in a social sense. The Government did not start this - Fianna Fáil did - and I would not blame the Government one bit for not taking lectures from Fianna Fáil on this, because it closed more post offices than the Government, but if the Government would examine this and ask whether it could afford to reopen the post offices, it would be brilliant."

Mick Wallace.

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Dáil Diary no 42 - 11 June 2015

#IBRC Behind Bureaucracy and Secrecy, our Government takes best care of Big Business…

In 1808, a famous writer, Walter Scott once said –

‘O, what a tangled web we weave, when first we practice to deceive!’

How relevant this is to the way our Government operates today. Here’s my Dáil contribution this week on the IBRC Investigation. -

We are discussing the terms of reference of an inquiry into the State's alleged preferential treatment of the private sector, in particular deals that may have cost the Irish taxpayer substantial sums of money. It is a bit like the US military holding an investigation into the causes of violence in the Middle East.

 The Government is unashamedly neoliberal, as was the one before it. It is not a wild statement to say it has shown preferential treatment to the private sector at the expense of the taxpayer. The most straightforward definition of neoliberalism is putting the interests of big business and profit before those of the public and working towards abolishing the social state model and the notion of public services being a public good. To quote Dr. Julien Merceille of UCD: "Neoliberalism Irish-style' has borrowed elements of US neoliberalism, such as public-private partnerships, privatization of public services, low corporate and individual taxation, low level of government expenditures on social programmes and light regulation of the financial system."

  I mentioned the honourable Denis O'Brien in this Chamber about nine times last year and I was nearly run out of the place when I did so, because it was bordering on illegal. On 9 October I raised the possibility with the Minister, Deputy Howlin, that things may not have been transparent and fair in terms of how Denis O'Brien purchased Siteserv and then got the water contract and that everything may not have been as clean as it should have been. The Minister said, "The Deputy is fundamentally, absolutely, completely and wholly wrong." When he was in opposition he was formidable and eager for power to be held to account, but he lost his taste for that when he got into power.

 The next day The Irish Times, and the Irish Examiner covered what I said in the Dáil, but I received a phone call that afternoon from a journalist who told me I would not read any more pieces about what I raised. He told me several news outlets had been contacted and warned that under no circumstances should they quote what I said again. I did not read any more about that in the newspapers, but I read an article the following Monday written by Mr. Dukes, a former Minister, who protested a little too much and said all decisions of IBRC were motivated by the mandate to secure the best possible return for the State and taxpayer from the management and disposal of its assets, and that I should withdraw my comments. This was all very interesting.

  It is to the great credit of Deputy Catherine Murphy that she was so obstinate and kept going for so long in the face of difficulty in trying to get to the bottom of what she was attempting to look into. We should be concerned that an Independent Deputy without a large amount of resources carried out the job she did while the media could not do so. What kind of media do we have in Ireland? Do they serve the public well? Do they hold power to account?

  Dr. Julien Merceille, who I mentioned, did some research into how the media handled the issue of austerity. He examined two of the main broadsheets - a term that is probably too expansive now - The Irish Times and the Irish Independent and how, over a three year period, they dealt with austerity. It turned out that, of the opinion pieces and articles written on austerity over a three year period, only 3% of them thought that austerity was a bad idea and unfair. That is pretty scary.

  The fact that the honourable Denis O'Brien has such control over the media has to be a worry for our Government. It should be a worry for any Government. A good, independent and strong media would be worth its weight in gold to this country because I do not believe we have one. It would make such a difference to how things are done in the public and private sectors. It would be brilliant. Given that it is very difficult for newspapers to make money today, we should consider sponsoring some independent media to give them a chance and not have them dependent on big business for advertising or the need to have 28 page property supplements. Such a policy could create media that would have the clout and power to hold power to account.

  We are discussing the alleged preferential treatment of the private sector, in particular deals that may have cost Irish taxpayers startling sums of money. I worked in the business sector for most of my life. I probably have more information than I want on how things work in this country, including how the banks and big business works. I have many a tale to tell, which I will not start tonight. The number of people who have complained to me in the past couple of years about trying to buy assets from financial institutions controlled by the State, including NAMA and banks, but have not been able to do so despite being prepared to pay more than others, is frightening.

I have some strong evidence of it which I am not going to reveal now. I was also shocked at how NAMA, the National Asset Management Agency, operated. I understood NAMA was going to hold assets until their value recovered and would not offload stressed assets for less than what they were worth. Some of the apartments I built have been sold for €100,000 each during the banking crisis, Apartments which I could not build now for €200,000, even if I got the land and the money for nothing.

Take for example some of the transactions in NAMA. A six-storey office on Mount Street was sold to a US fund, Northwood Investors, for €27 million in 2012. Northwood Investors then flipped it and sold it on for €42 million two years later. The Forum building in the IFSC was sold by NAMA to a US private equity firm, Atlas Capital, for €28 million in 2012. It flipped it two years later for €37.8 million. Dock Mill on Grand Canal Dock was sold by NAMA to Chris Jones developers for €1.3 million in 2013. From the company’s own figures, it spent €1.4 million on this asset and sold it on for €13 million. NAMA sold company loans of the McGarrell Reilly group for €220 million in 2014 to Lone Star which flipped them this year for €350 million, a profit of €130 million in little over a year.

Deputy Clare Daly referred to Independent News and Media, INM, considering spending €100 million on an investment. This is the same Independent News and Media that got a write-down from the banks of €138 million last year, €60 million of which belonged to AIB which is owned by the taxpayer. How in God’s name could this Government allow the State-owned bank give a write-down of €60 million to Denis O’Brien’s controlled INM when he is valued at approximately €5 billion? I would love the Government to explain that to me because I do not understand it.”

Mick Wallace.

Good soundness is a result of proper supply and hygiene. How can medicaments hels up? Circumstances that can influence your choice when you are buying medications are various. Below are basic reasons about cialis vs levitra vs viagra which one is better. Surely there are also other momentous questions. Choosing the unimprovable treatment variant for a racy disease can get really confusing considering the advantages and disadvantages of the existing treatment methodologies. When you buy remedies like Cialis you have to mind about levitra vs cialis vs viagra. The most significant thing you must look for is which works better viagra or cialis or levitra. A long list of prescription drugs can lead to erectile disfunction, including many blood pressure medicines, pain remedies, and most of antidepressants. Sometimes the treatment options may include erectile dysfunction remedies or hormone treatments.

Dáil Diary 41 - 5 June 2015

Little chance of Garda Reform, As long as Old Hierarchy remain in place…
 
The former Commissioner Martin Callinan, the former Justice Minister Alan Shatter and the former Secretary General of the Justice Department, Brian Purcell, may all be gone, but little else has changed. It looks like the Department of Justice has dug it's heels in, and is making the serious decisions, rather than the Minister for Justice, at Government level, while the old hierarchy of An Garda Siochana is still firmly in place, with the new Commissioner Noirin O Sullivan putting a fresh face on it. We are probably going to see about 10% of the changes we recommended in our Policing Bill last year – aside from that, it’s business as usual. Here’s a shortened version of the exchanges in the Dáil last week between Minister for Justice Frances Fitzgerald and myself. -


Mick Wallace: " The Garda Commissioner, Ms Nóirín O'Sullivan, has said any garda who wants to report wrongdoing in the force will be welcomed. Sadly, Garda Nick Keogh and Garda Keith Harrison have not been welcomed. It is over one year since they made their complaints. Both have been treated shamefully since. Does the Minister have any problem with the contrast between how those who make complaints are treated and those against whom complaints are made are treated because the latter are treated far better by the hierarchy in An Garda Síochána?


Deputy Frances Fitzgerald:  By way of background, as the Deputy is well aware, prior to the Protected Disclosures Act 2014 coming into operation, whistleblowing by members of An Garda Síochána was provided for under the Garda Síochána (Confidential Reporting of Corruption or Malpractice) Regulations 2007 which provided for the appointment of an independent confidential recipient. The confidential recipient was then required to transmit each confidential report to the Garda Commissioner.


Only where a confidential report contained an allegation which related to the Garda Commissioner was it transmitted to the Minister. In transmitting a report, the confidential recipient had to be aware of the obligation to protect the identity of the whistleblower, and any communication between the confidential recipient and the whistleblower was confidential and was not conveyed to the Minister. The regulations provided that any harassment or intimidation of a member who had made a confidential report would be dealt with in accordance with the law. This system was replaced by the Protected Disclosures Act 2014, which came into operation in July 2014 as part of the Government's comprehensive approach to enhance the protection available to whistleblowers, including Garda whistleblowers. GSOC was prescribed under the Act as a body to receive protected disclosures. 


With regard to the two cases referred to by the Deputy, I first make the point that all of us in this House must be very careful in discussing individual cases of whistleblowing. The Protected Disclosures Act prioritises the confidentiality of the process, a confidentiality which is not always easily reconciled with some discussions in the House. However, I am advised by the Garda authorities that reports in both of the cases referred to by the Deputy were originally received under the confidential recipient regulations. One of the cases is the subject of a comprehensive criminal investigation and upon completion may be the subject of a report to the Director of Public Prosecutions. The second case was subsequently referred to GSOC under the Protected Disclosures Act 2014. 


I know that the Deputy will appreciate that I have no functions in regard to criminal investigations that are ongoing, to the submission of files to the DPP or in regard to the investigation of complaints by GSOC. In regard to both of the cases the Deputy referred to, one is the subject of a current criminal investigation and the other has been referred to GSOC.
 
Mick Wallace:  I am not going to discuss the details of the complaints, so I will not be prejudicing any case. In regard to the latter case referred to, the Minister spoke about a confidential report. In the case of this particular garda, there was supposed to be an internal investigation. Nóirín O'Sullivan handpicked two individuals to look after the internal investigation, but what did they do? They leaked the information to the alleged perpetrator. They leaked it. They have concrete evidence of it. 

The garda was told then that he should refer the matter to GSOC and it said "Ye were the ones who damaged the internal investigation, so ye do it." Eventually they did it in September. In September 2014, it was referred to GSOC by Nóirín O'Sullivan but zero progress has been made to date. In the meantime, this particular garda has had a Garda car go down his boreen 19 times this year alone to intimidate him and his post has been opened. He has been treated like a criminal.


Deputy Frances Fitzgerald:  I note the Deputy has raised allegations about these cases on at least two occasions with the Taoiseach, on 28 January and on 31 March and on both occasions the Deputy was asked to provide information in writing if he has it.

Mick Wallace:  That is not true. I was not asked about any information Minister.


Deputy Frances Fitzgerald:  The Deputy has made some serious allegations. There are independent processes available to members of An Garda Síochána and the Deputy is aware the Government has introduced new legislation under the Protected Disclosures Act. I have told the Deputy there is a criminal investigation under way. If there is information available, such as the Deputy has put forward in the House today, that obviously needs to be part and parcel of the criminal investigation that is going on. For the Deputy to make the suggestions he has made in regard to proactive leaking on this case is a serious allegation.


Obviously, every criminal investigation is serious and there is a criminal investigation going on in one case. In the other case, there is a GSOC investigation.


Surely those cases should be allowed to be dealt with via the process of the criminal investigation and the Garda Síochána Ombudsman Commission, GSOC, report on those that is currently taking place. The floor of the Dáil is not the place to be discussing the detail of those cases when there are processes, rules and legislation set up to deal with the concerns of whistleblowers in An Garda Síochána and other bodies.


Mick Wallace: I can only presume that the Minister has been ill informed because the process is not working for these two Garda whistleblowers. I am not saying that is the Minister's fault. I am saying it is not working for them, and they have been treated abysmally. Both of them are out sick much of the time. They have suffered terrible intimidation. They are stressed. Garda Keogh has been sent to the surgeon in the Phoenix Park headquarters as an intermediary measure. It is crazy to say there is a process in place that works for these people. They are not getting any feedback. There is no communication with them. The only communication they are getting is bullying and intimidation. I am not saying it is the Minister's fault. I am saying the system is not working. I am sorry but it appears to me that the Minister is not being kept accurately informed by An Garda Síochána. These people are in a bad place, and they need help and protection."

Mick Wallace.

Good soundness is a result of proper nutrition and hygiene. How can medicaments hels up? Circumstances that can influence your choice when you are buying medications are different. Below are basic reasons about cialis vs levitra vs viagra which one is better. Surely there are also other momentous questions. Choosing the perfect treatment version for a racy disease can get really confusing considering the advantages and disadvantages of the existing treatment methodologies. When you buy remedies like Cialis you have to remember about levitra vs cialis vs viagra. The most significant thing you must look for is which works better viagra or cialis or levitra. A long list of prescription drugs can lead to erectile dysfunction, including many blood pressure medicines, pain remedies, and most of antidepressants. Sometimes the treatment options may turn on erectile disfunction remedies or hormone treatments.

namaleaks

THE TRUTH IS COMING....

Namaleaks is a project that seeks to uncover possible injustice and poor practice related to NAMA (National Asset Management Agency) and financial institutions in Ireland.

VISIT THE WEBSITE

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